Critique of British Foreign Policy in Regard of Libyan Revolution 2011 Essay

Critique of British Foreign Policy in Regard of Libyan Revolution 2011 - Essay Example It also involves the analysis of the influence implied by the International community and the British Government. The Economy One of the interesting policies implored include the two primary sources of revenue for Libya’s transitional government being unfrozen assets and revenues from the oil industry. The role of the British Government and the international community become helping the Libyan authorities to develop the transparency and accountability mechanism necessary to ensure that the public finances in Libya are spent equally and in a rational manner.1 Another priority going forwards will be the development of Libya’s economy beyond its oil industry. In addition to creating employment, economic diversification is pertinent to ameliorating democratic accountability which is realized when a government is incapable of solely drawing on revenues accrued from natural resources for its income, but must also rely on the enterprise of its citizens. 2 Security Rival militi as continue to operate beyond the control of the National Transitional Council (NTC), in multiple areas including in the capital Tripoli. The holistic make-up of the nouveau transitional cabinet has unequivocally channeled it efforts towards ameliorating the sentiments of militia which gravitate towards their community/area being adequately represented at the decision-making table. The NTC’s declare interest in integrating militia into the defense forces of the state is indisputable in tandem with security concerns of the state. Concurrently, this will result in accomplishing the twin objectives of availing militiamen with opportunities for employment and bolstering the country’s underdeveloped security capabilities.3 The role for the British Government and the international community in Libya’s Domain is split in two. The assisting in the equipping and training of the Libyan security and the police force regardless of the fact that the NTC remains reticent to i nclude outsiders in its security affairs at the present state. The second part is assisting the Libyan authorities to secure the huge number of weapons including chemical weapons, which are unsecured.4 The Tripoli authorities are trying effortlessly to get the situation in the nation’s capital under control. An ultimatum has been issued to the brigades that insist that they should leave by 20th December. This was done in conjunction with the Tripoli Military council insisting that the streets would be barricaded if the external militias had not conceded by then. The NTC’s interim prime minister contradicted to the councils implying that confrontations were not the best way around the situation. Regardless of this, an announcement was made that a major militia group of freedom fighters alien to Tripoli had agreed to leave. He decided not to mention the identity of the militia group though leading to slight speculation on the validity of the statement.5 Others members of the interim government further portrayed their support for believing that militias could be persuaded to leave or disarm from the capital though this was made with no profound deadline. Future Role of Islamist movements in Libya The function of Islam in Libya’s public and political life is highly likely in its future structure. However, the aspiration for democracy in Libya is legit and almost no Libyan is interested in the entrenchment of a theocratic state.